This research is based upon the excavation reports of the Ch'ang-ri tomb group and the Ponggyae-ri tomb group at Hyopch'on. The special characteristics of each site were analysed by drawing up distribution maps based on the scale of the long and short axis of the interments and the measurements of excavated iron weaponry. The most noticeable feature of the distribution nap of the Ponggyae-ri tomb site is the variations in interment type and size. Such variations are thought to be due to the physical size of the tomb occupant, his age and social status as well as the date of construction of the burial. These theories were verified by the results of the scientific examination of burial objects and extant teeth. The adjacent Ch'ang-ri tomb group was examined using the same methodology. As a result three separate groups emerged. The most noticeable feature of Group I was the extremely poor quality of the burial goods. This, together with the diminutive size of the interments which were only just big enough to contain a wooden coffin, indicates that these were the burials of children or of those of low social status. In group 2, which comprised vertical entrance stone-lined pit burials, while the length of the short axis was consistently around 75㎝, there was variation in the length of the main axis, which is thought to be due to either the physical size or social status of the tomb occupant. Group 3 was composed of horizontal entrance stone chamber burials and formed a separate group regarding structure and distribution. Next, three methods were employed in order to ascertain the special characteratics of the iron arrowheads excavated from each tomb site. Firstly we measured the length of each arrowhead blade, from the tip to the beginning of the shaft, as well as the width of the widest part of the blade. The results showed that there was little variation in these measurements in the arrowheads recovered from the early earth pit burials. This is thought to indicate the maintenance of a standard regulation in production and an established distribution system from the site of manufacture. By contrast the measurements taken from arrowheads which were recovered from the stone-lined pit burials (of a later phase) showed great variation. It is thought that this was possibly caused by a loss of regulatory power and a break down in the distributuin system. Then in the following phase, exemplified by the Ch'ang-ri tomb group, standard regulations seen to have been applied to arrowhead manufacture. Secondly detailed diagrams of the structure of the arrowheads were drawn. These showed that those recovered from the earth pit burials belonged to the early period of arrowhead production with short shafts and long and wide arrowhead blades. The arrowheads excavated from the ston-lined pit burials belonged to a later style since they had longer shafts and shorter and narrower blades. The arrowheads unearthed from the Ch'ang-ri burial site were mostly arrowheads of the late period. Thirdly we measured the weight of the arrowheads excavated from each tomb group, The majority of those from the earth pit burials at the Ponggyae-ri site weighed between 10-l5g, while Host of the arrowheads unearthed from the stone-lined pit burials from the same site weighed 15g and above. However those from the later Ch'ang-ri tomb group weighed betwen 5-10g.-up to 50% lighter than the arrowheads recovered from the Ponggyae-ri site. It is thought that this difference in weight is closely connected to the employment of the weapons for defense purposes. Next we examined the iron spearheads from each tomb site. Based on the measurements of the blade width and length and the existence or absence of concavity, they were divided into groups A,B,C and D.with the following results. Firstly the spearheads belonging to Group A showed little variation in the length and width of the blade, thus indicating the existence of a regulatory power and distribution system at the site of manufacture. The vast variation of these measurements in Group C suggested a higher possibility of the loss or breakdown of these structures. Secondly, the fact that spearheads of the type belonging to Group A and B.which are thought to be of the early period, were not found at the Ch'ang-ri tomb group would suggest that either such spearheads were disposed of elsewhere or that their manufacture and use was extremely limited. Thirdly, the origins of the spearheads excavated from the Ch'ang-ri site would seem to be closely connected to the spearhead types from Groups C and D which were recovered from the stone-lined pit burials at Ponggyae-ri. Finally the length and width of the blades of the iron daggers from each region were measured. Accordingly distribution maps were drawn up and the following results obtained. Firstly the daggers excavated from the Ponggyae-ri tomb site ware divided into groups A and B ; the former comprising those where the blade length measured 10㎝ or less and the blade width 2㎝ or less, and the latter group made up of the other daggers whose blade length and width measured more than 10㎝ and 2㎝ respectively. These groups correspond to the old and new style of dagger manufacture. The limited variation evidenced in the old style is thought to indicate the existence of a controlling power, while the wide variation in length and width of the new style would suggest a loss of this regulatory mechanism. Secondly, the change in the dagger style from type A to B, shows an improvement in design and function; the blade length is extended and the width expanded. This would indicate that this weapon began to be maufactured and used for attacking purposes. Thirdly, by the time of the Ch'ang-ri tomb group construction phase, the dagger adopts a more standard form with a reduction in the length and width of the blade resulting in a sharper and functionally improved implement. In conclusion, reviewing the collective results of the measurements of the burial types and weapons from each site it is evident that, even where there are no burial goods recovered from a given interment, it was possible to estimate the physical size of the tomb occupant, his age, social status as well as the period of construction of the burial. Concerning the transition from earth pit burial construction to stone-lined pit burial construction, there occurs a discernable loss in regulatory power or a breakdown in the distribution system of weaponry. Howerver, in the transition Iron stone-lined pit burials to stone chamber burials, or from single chamber construction to multi-chamber construction, there again occurs a standardization in the centralized control of weapons. This would indicate a strengthening of regulatory power and the establishment of a distribution structure. Such a phenomenon would suggest that the change in burial construction occurred concurrently with the improvement in weapon manufacture and possibly the development of social reform. However the question as to whether these changes were brought about by internal social divelopment or by some external stimulus Hay only by ascertained by analyzing the burials and burial objects from sites throughout the former Kaya region together with detailed comparative study into related literary documents.

목차 = ⅰ
Ⅰ. 序論 = 1
Ⅱ. 數値上으로 본 遺構 = 5
1. 鳳溪里古墳群 = 5
가. 位置와 環境 = 5
나. 主要遺構 槪要 = 7
다. 遺構 長·短軸 規格分析 = 43
라. 小結 = 51
2. 倉里古墳群 = 52
가. 位置와 環境 = 52
나. 主要遺構 槪要 = 54
다. 遺構 長·短軸 規格分析 = 106
라. 小結 = 112
Ⅲ. 數値上으로 본 武器 = 114
1. 鳳溪里古墳群 = 114
가. 武器 出土遺構 = 114
나. 出土武器 分析 = 138
다. 小結 = 154
2. 倉里古墳群 = 156
가. 武器 出土遺構 = 156
나. 出土武器 分析 = 180
다. 小結 = 193
Ⅳ. 結諭 = 196
參考文澱 = 205
SUMMARY = 213

창원대학교 도서관 (248019)

• 합천지역
• 가야
• 고분
• Kaya Tombs